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The other constructions

  Unaccusative verbs, manner of motion verbs, and verbs of sound emission clearly differ from the above category of Resultatives. Firstly, the syntactic structure of goal-oriented constructions involving these verbs is different from that for Resultatives, in that it does not require a post-verbal NP of which the goal phrase is predicated, and in the possibility of variability of this structure, as shown by the contrast between ``standard'' examples such as resalt15 and the sentences in w5 and resalt11, repeated here as resalt34 and resalt35, respectively, for convenience. Notice that the sentences resalt34-resalt36 have a structure which parallels that of the resultative construction as defined above, but the result phrase is predicated of the noun phrase in subject position rather than that in object position.

 

John danced across the room. The girls giggled down the hallway.

 

The wise men followed the star out of Bethlehem. The sailors rode a breeze clear of the rocks.

  I love you to distraction.gif  

John danced mazurkas across the room. John walked the dog to the store. John swam laps to exhaustion. The children played leapfrog across the park.

Secondly, the meaning of these constructions differs enormously from that of Resultatives: (a) there is no element of causation in the meaning, as has been discussed in Section 4.3.1 and above, (b) the goal phrase is restricted by the semantics of the verb which it appears with, as will become more clear below, (c) the shift of a manner of motion verb to a directed motion use can be induced by context (as argued in Section 4.2.2), and (d) there is not necessarily a change of location or state to an explicit endpoint. Whether such a change is inferred depends on the semantics of the goal phrase alone.

I propose a compositional account in which the goal phrases are treated as pseudo-complements for the treatment of these cases (see Chapter 3).gif. In particular, the manner of motion verbs will be assumed to encode the potential for a path argument in their lexical semantics and the unaccusative verbs a specific final state.

Sentences such as those in resalt15 are actually ambiguous due to the availability of modification by both pseudo-complements and `standard' adjuncts: for resalt15a the reading in which the prepositional phrase is a pseudo-complement has the interpretation John is across the room as a result of John dancing, while the reading in which it is an adjunct has the meaning John is located across the room, and he is dancing.gif Similarly, it is possible to have a sentence which contains both a pseudo-complement and a true adjunctive use of the same preposition, as in resalt18a.gif Notice that the syntactic position of a pseudo-complement is restricted to immediately follow the verb's subcategorised elements. So resalt18b is not possible on the interpretation on which the PP in the store specifies the path of the running rather than the location and in Washington specifies a location of the running. The sentences in resalt31 also reflect this syntactic constraint.

 

John ran in the store in Washington. *John ran in Washington in the store.

 

*John ran in the park to the store. ??John ran in twenty minutes to the store.

Verb-modifying adjective phrases inherently behave as pseudo-complements. They convey a state or property which is relevant to some entity, not an event as a whole, and as such can only be perceived as modifying an argument internal to the verb semantics. That their behaviour parallels that of certain goal phrases therefore becomes clear.




next up previous contents
Next: Manner of Motion verbs Up: The proposal Previous: Ruling out ungrammatical instances